 |
Victor
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The
Cripple Creek
Strike:
a History of
Industrial Wars
in Colorado,
1903-4-5
By Emma Florence Langdon
pages 555 to 579
ORCHARD SENTENCED—LENIENCY RECOMMENDED.
Harry Orchard was arraigned in District Court at Caldwell, Idaho, Tuesday, March 10. He pleaded guilty of the murder of ex-Governor Steunenberg. March 18, Judge Fremont Wood sentenced Orchard in accordance with the law of Idaho in such cases, which is the death penalty. The judge in sentencing Orchard to hang May 15, 1908, recommended that the board of pardons commute his sentence to imprisonment in the penitentiary —adding that in spite of the jury's verdict in the Haywood and Pettibone cases he believed that Orchard had told the absolute truth. He stated that the state could gain nothing by hanging Orchard and on the other hand he could probably be of service in the future. The judge reviewed the cases and the substance of his decision summed up was to the effect that Orchard should be imprisoned in the penitentiary and not hanged. Will he be hung? The writer doubts it—time alone can answer.
That Orchard was promised a reward and immunity is generally accepted by thoughtful men who have made a study of the great conspiracy trial that was staged in the Courts of Idaho.
But Gooding has declared that the murder of Steunenberg must be avenged, and more than $200,000 has been expended by the state and Gooding scarcely dares to show leniency or mercy to the man who in open Court admits that he is the Cain whose hand cut short the life of an ex-governor.
Organized labor will keep its vision riveted upon the state of Idaho until the last word is written in the closing chapter of Idaho's tragedy.
REFERENCES:
The following works have been consulted in the preparation of the following articles:
History of the Ancient Working People—Ward.
Organized Labor—John Mitchell.
History of the English Language and Literature—Welsh.
Industrial History of the United States—Coman.
Class Struggles in America—Simons.
Bulletin Bureau of Labor of the United States.
Thirty Years of Labor—Powderly.
Labor Conflicts—Howells.
.The Story of a Labor Agitator—Buchanan.
Mosaics of Grecian History—Willson.
Industrial Wars of Colorado—Langdon.
The Typographical Union
"Blest be the gracious Power, who taught mankind
To stamp a lasting image of the mind!
Beasts may convey, and tuneful birds may sing,
Their mutual feelings, in the Spring;
But man alone has skill and power to send
The heart's warm dictates to the distant friend;
'Tis his alone to please, instruct, advise
Ages remote, and nations yet to rise"—Crabbe.
IT may be instructive to trace the history of a labor organization from its inception to the present time. The records of the printers are probably more complete and begin at an earlier date than that of any other organization. For this reason we will trace the Typographical union for a few years as an example of the progress of the trade union movement in general.
Historians differ to some extent, but John Gutenberg is usually credited with the invention of movable types, about 1437, but a strong contestant is Laurens Janszoon Coster, of Holland, who claimed to have invented wooden type in 1428 and at a later date metal ones.
All association among printers, prior to 1795, was temporary, having a single purpose, the compact was dissolved when its object was accomplished. When a question of importance arose a call was signed by members of recognized influence for a meeting, which was usually held at the home of a member. After a discussion, resolutions were adopted, committees appointed and frequently those present signed an agreement to stand by each other during the difficulty. Meetings were held frequently during the trouble, especially if a strike. Labor was not yet conscious; it was the age of the individual as opposed to the corporation.
The Typographical Society of 1795, lived two and a half years and raised wages to $1 per day for the New York City printers. The Franklin Typographical Society of Journeymen Printers of New York, was organized in 1799. It formulated the first complete wage scale ever adopted by the printers of New York and went on strike for its enforcement. It demanded twenty-five cents per 1,000 ems, not less than $7 per week in book and job offices and $8 per week on newspapers.
The New York Evening Post in its issue of September 19, 1803, contains the following acknowledgment: "The president of the Franklin Typographical Society, of New York, acknowledges the receipt of $83.50 from the Philadelphia Typographical Society, for the relief of such of our members as may be distressed in consequence of the prevailing epidemic." The Society ceased to exist in 1804, but the scale of prices formulated by it remained the standard until September 20, 1809, when the New York Typographical Society organized early in that year, formulated a new schedule of prices.
The Philadelphia Typographical Society was organized in 1802, and enjoys the distinction of being the oldest existing organization of the craft. It existed as a benevolent and trade society, as was the rule among the early societies, until 1831, when it became a purely benevolent association and as such exists today.
The Philadelphia constitution as adopted November 6, 1802, is the oldest constitution of a labor organization extant in the United States. It gives prominence to the fraternal features of the organization but does not conceal its industrial purposes. In addition to a sick benefit of $10, "in every case when a member may be thrown out of employment by reason of his refusing to take less than the established prices," the board of directors "shall advance, if required, on his own security, in their discretion, such sum per week as will be sufficient to defray his ordinary expenses." If the person was unable to pay the loan, an assessment was to be levied on the membership, to this strike benefit fund was added an obligation to secure employment for members in preference to non-members; membership being conditional upon an apprenticeship satisfactory to the board of directors.
This union began expelling members for working below the scale of prices in 1806. The following year witnessed a demand for the exclusive employment of union men, the adoption of the monthly working card and a union employment bureau. The initiation fee was raised to $4 and the funeral benefit increased to $25. By resolution of the organization, monthly cards were printed by the Society, renewed monthly by the secretary for the benefit of those out of employment, stating that they were not in arrears with their dues. A fine of $1 was imposed upon any member for informing one who could not produce a card of a situation.
Provision for a "rat list" was made in 1808, by enacting that no member should teach an apprentice who was not bound before his eighteenth year, the penalty being not only expulsion from the Society, but notice of such expulsion was sent to other Societies of printers.
If the unions of today should resort to such measures, the United States Supreme Courts would soon come forward with an injunction.
A new wage scale was adopted in 1815. In the correspondence concerning its adoption, the New York employers were first to insist upon a uniform wage scale throughout the country. In the strike to enforce the wage scale of 1815, the Society again disciplined many of its members. The obligation required members to demand the scale as journeymen and pay it, should they become master printers. Such an one was brought before the Society on six counts, three of which are as follows: "First, for an attempt in combination with a few employing printers to lessen the established wages of journeymen. Second, for introducing into the printing business men wholly unacquainted with it to the exclusion of regular-bred workmen. Third, for refusing to give employment to members of this Society and employing one not a member in preference—a direct violation of the pledges he has repeatedly given us."
The experience led to amended by-laws in which they recognize "that the actions of men are influenced almost wholly by their interests, * * * as the interests of the journeymen are separate, and in some respects opposite to that of the employers, we deem it improper that they should have any voice or influence in our deliberations, therefore,
"Resolved, That when any member of this Society shall become an employing printer he shall be considered without the limits of the Society and not to vote on any question or pay any dues in the same."
In 1817, the Society resolved to keep a register of its members and their places of employment; one member was appointed to act in each printing office, "to give information as to the state of the trade and the chances of employment for more of our members." The Society made application to the legislature at Albany, for an act of incorporation, the 'House passed the bill, but the Senate added an amendment prohibiting it from interfering in trade matters. Two years later the act was passed with the following amendment to its constitution: "In no case shall the Society interfere in respect to the price of labor."
The New York union was the stormy petrel of unionism, but for its emasculation by the act of incorporation, it is probable that the Societies organized from 1815 to 1820, would, under its leadership, have been as distinctly trade unions as those organized from 1830 to 1850. From its organization in 1809, until it ceased to be a labor force in 1818, it enrolled 237 members. Samuel Wordsworth, author of The Old Oaken Bucket was among the founders of this union.
The first discussion on women as compositors was in the Philadelphia union in 1832. The Washington union called a special meeting January 17, 1835, because of a statement that girls were being employed in newspaper offices in Philadelphia, to break a strike. Resolutions were embodied in a circular letter sent to the Philadelphia, Boston, New York and Baltimore unions, asking if any girls were employed, if so how many, and what action these unions "proposed to take to prevent the further progress of the evil." The national convention of 1854, devoted much time to discussion along these lines; it was referred to a committee that recommended the matter be left to the local unions. The discussion continued until a union of women printers was organized in 1870 and sought admission to the international union. The convention of 1872, settled the matter by admitting women to full membership and demanding for them the same wage paid men.
Boston, Albany and Washington were organized in 1815, and the Baltimore Society is first mentioned in that year. The Washington Society was modeled after Philadelphia, at first largely a benevolent society, it still proceeded to regulate prices. It is the only one of the old Societies that has survived until today and developed into a modern trade union, instead of a mutual benefit association
The Washington union had been waning for some time but in 1821, they made history by adding six new members and in 1822, five names were enrolled. Some improvements were noted and in 1824, the union joined in a civic parade on the Fourth of July, as a society, wearing as badges silver "printer rules." The minutes of a later meeting show the total membership took part. The printers had a press on a wagon in the parade and printed and distributed from it copies of the Declaration of Independence. This was the most notable feature of the celebration, July 4, 1824.
Free membership was a fatal mistake in the organization of the early unions. The member who paid his dues for a period, usually ten years, was freed from further payment. When this period arrived the union or Society, found itself with a free list which acted as a discouragement to new members. The early orders generally ceased to exist about the time the first list of free members appears. The Washington Society escaped disaster from this source through the shifting character of the employment. A study of the minutes of the union shows the character of trade unionism and its correspondence reveals its nature elsewhere.
The first convention of the National Typographical Society convened in Washington, D. C., November 7, 1836, and lasted five days. Delegates were present from Baltimore, New York, Washington, Harrisburg, Philadelphia, and New Orleans by proxy. Philadelphia was excluded because Washington Society proved their delegate had worked for the Duff Green establishment during the strike. Evidently the Philadelphia union did not know this when he was elected, for they at once expelled him upon his return. Duff Green was notoriously unfair. Another convention was called the following year.
The Society seems to have collapsed in 1840. September 28, 1850, the New York Union issued a call for a national convention, Boston and Philadelphia joining in the call. The National convention of Journeymen Printers of the United States, met December 2, 1850, in New York City with delegates from New York, Albany, Baltimore, Trenton, N. J., Philadelphia and Louisville. Boston, St. Louis, San Francisco, Washington and Cincinnati were heard from by letters. Discussion of the apprentice system occupied much of the time of the convention: from this time on the printers stood definitely committed against a system that had amounted to child labor.
Preparations for a general organization of the printers of the country were made at this convention. Organization was recommended on the basis of a national executive committee, composed of three members from each state, whose duty it was to carry out the resolutions of the convention, to gather information on matters of interest to the trade and to make a quarterly report of the same to the convention and make arrangements for its assembling. The convention also urged that the printers in every town containing six or more should form a union and that after February 1, 1851, no journeyman printer coming from a town known to contain an organization would be allowed to work within the jurisdiction of another union without a card.
The basis of organization for local unions consisted of seven principles. First: Regulation and adjustment of prices. Second: Traveling certificates to members in good standing, entitling them to assistance and traveling expenses from a union where they could not obtain work, provided they had not brought discredit upon themselves by intemperance or otherwise. Third: A registry of "rats" and unworthy members of the trade, with a description of them to be sent to every union in the country. Fourth: Receiving no stranger as a member without certificate of membership in the place from which he comes. Fifth: Levying a monthly contribution upon each member, sufficient to amount to $10 for each member as a reserve fund. Sixth: Giving any sister union the right to call for assistance to the extent of $1 per member, to be repaid in monthly installments of at least five per cent of the loan, beginning in one month after the difficulty had passed. Seventh: Granting certificates enabling a member to join another union without paying initiation fee.
Local unions were advised to abolish the benefit system and a plan proposed by which the combined unions of the country were to bid on the government printing.
The third day, May 6, 1852, of the Third National Convention of Journeymen Printers, which met May 3, at Cincinnati, Ohio, witnessed the formation of the International organization. There were delegates from fourteen unions, some did not seem inclined to participate. The permanent organization was formed by New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Cincinnati, Albany and Pittsburgh.
The name of the organization was changed to The International Typographical Union June 11, 1869, at the Seventeenth annual session, held in Albany, New York.
The writer would be less than human, being a member of Denver Typographical Union No. 49, if the organization was not mentioned among the historic local unions of the International. The local of Denver, in a historic way, can claim a place with the most interesting of the Typographical organizations. In the first place, it was the very first local union organized in Colorado, if not in the entire Golden West.
Thursday evening, April 12, 1860, a few printers gathered at the home of Charles S. Semper, Terry Street, Auraria, now Eleventh street, West Denver. Mr. Semper was then a member of the New Orleans union. General discussion prevailed and finally drifted to the subject of the New Orleans union. The host passed around constitutions and by-laws of the aforesaid local and the result was that it was decided to organize a Denver union. An application for a charter was sent in to the International and the original charter granted, shows the following names as charter members: John L. Merrick, president; George L. Sanborn, secretary; Charles S. Semper, treasurer. The other names on the charter are: T. C. Brown, Joe Clark and Thomas S. Tucker. The charter is dated June 9, 1860.
At the regular meeting June 6, 1897, President George Esterling in the chair, a motion was made by Chas. S. Semper, that the original charter of the union be presented to the State Historical and Natural History Society of Colorado, for safe keeping. The motion carried and Mr. Semper was appointed to take charge of the charter and deliver the same. The writer visited the state capitol building and copied the names given as charter members from the original document. It hangs in the Historical department as the first charter of a labor organization of Colorado—the custodian explained at great length all the history in connection with its origin—of which the writer was quite familiar. The charter in question had been damaged by both fire and water—a copy of it had been made which hangs in the hall where the union meets.
Hon. Chas. S. Semper, a charter member of No. 49, still lives and attends the local meetings of the union. The writer visited him and his estimable wife at their home, Semper Farm, nine miles from Denver, in search of data relating to the history of the printer's union. The pleasure of the visit was one not to be forgotten. Such a collection of statistics as this worthy man possesses—and how his face would light up with interest when asked various questions pertaining to the early history of the organization! He untiringly, told of the formation of the union at his home, explaining that the inspection of his new house was the occasion of the gathering of the men of the "rule and stick." His home was the fifth house built in Denver and the first frame house. The other buildings being ordinary log cabins of the very crudest form. He exhibited a complete file of "The Rocky Mountain News" from vol. 1, No. 1, to many years later. The first copy of the paper being dated April 20, 1859. Some of the copies he exhibited were printed on but one side of the paper and were about twelve inches long and six or less wide. This, he explained, was caused by a shortage of the necessary paper to print a full size paper. Some were printed on yellow sheets. The weekly—that was all that was published—sold for twenty-five cents per copy and the publication was awaited with deep interest by the entire population.
Mr. Semper said Eastern papers were scarce and were never sold for less than fifty cents per copy—were bought again after being read were re-sold at a gradual reduction in price as they became damaged until they were so worn they could not be read at all.
The first daily paper published in Denver was the Rocky Mountain Herald, of which Mr. Semper has a copy, very probably a file. In speaking of the printers' union he said all the members held office, and this statement brought a jolly laugh from Mr. Semper. It is little wonder, when you consider the contrast in No. 49 in the 60's with barely a sufficient number of members to hold office, the only paper with three cases of type, and now. Today the membership of the union is 475 and hundreds of linotype machines in the newspaper offices. Denver a beautiful city of 175,000 inhabitants, the equal of any city in the country, a list of morning and evening papers unsurpassed.
This veteran of the printers organization recited how the printers kept a flint-rifle standing near the case as they worked, for protection from the lawless faction which was composed principally of gamblers. The only paper had opposed the policy of the lawless element and as a result, they combined to "put the paper out of business." He said sometimes a band of the lawless crowd would ride pell-mell by the office and fire into the windows as they galloped by. So the printers kept a gun near for protection. It is certainly interesting to note the difference in convenience in newspaperdom now and the lack of proper equipment at that time. Time after time he pointed out columns of the paper where "small caps" run out and the compositor finished his copy with any "face" type left unused.
In one of the first issues of the paper it was announced that all future copies would contain a list of "immigrant arrivals." Among others published in a long list appeared the following: "Charles S. Semper, April 23, 1859, forty days from St. Joseph via Platte route."
The owner of the Rocky Mountain News owned the building in which the paper was printed, then as now—in '59 a two story log-cabin with three cases of type and an old style Washington hand press—now a thoroughly modern building, a score of linotypes and the latest improvements in every department applying to the printing art.
Mr. Semper's home is a regular store-house of treasured documents connected with the labor movement in general—the printers' union in particular. Union cards of 1880; files of all his own job-work; files of papers back as far as 1857-8; badges, etc., etc. Among these treasures was a copy of a history of Trinidad, South America, his birth place. He showed the volume as a sample of his first effort at binding—the book was printed in 1850, many pages of history had been written in his own hand-writing and "tipped in" to make the volume more complete. The only data I wished to secure and failed, was where and when this brother first joined the Typographical union. He said he could not remember—that it was either Chicago or St. Paul and he was not certain which, but believed it was St. Paul—with this statement he enumerated the towns where he worked in those days. He was an all-around-practical-printer in 1853, when he came to the United States from Trinidad, South America. He had been a member of the New Orleans local union some time when he came to Denver in '59. An autographed copy of Buchanan's "Labor Agitator" was on a stand in the parlor and he read the glowing tribute written to him and his wife by the author in the front of the book—explaining the warm friendship that had ever existed between him and the author, since the pioneer days in which they had been, as now, the closest friends.
The writer being a Southerner and naturally somewhat of a "rebel," mentions the fact that Mr. Semper served as a Confederate soldier in the Civil war. He established Semper Farm in 79 and has scarcely missed a meeting of the Denver Typographical union. He says that until very recent years he walked both to and home from the meetings—a distance of at least twenty miles by the road he followed. He is now past seventy years of age and at the time of the writers' visit was slowly recovering from a serious illness.
How my heart filled with reverence for this couple—sweethearts still—who are among the few surviving pioneers of the labor movement and the man a charter member of the first labor organization of the Centenial state!
The woman in this case shall not be forgotten. Mrs. Semper prepared a real "home-grown" supper—it is not polite to mention what you are served to eat—but the rule must be broken to mention the muffins Mrs. Semper makes and we will not tell the reader about all the other dainties she can prepare equally as well.
Mrs. Semper, as she walked to the depot with me, asked my opinion on the strike question. I mentioned that strikes recently, with but few exceptions, had been lost as a result of the Supreme Courts and the government itself, joining with capital against the workers. This had taught us we must fight our battles in the legislative halls and abandon the strike. She exclaimed: "That is the exact situation, now you are talking common sense!" Mrs. Semper has written many articles for publication and is a brilliant woman. The state of Colorado can justly be proud of such pioneers that have helped to rear a Golden Empire and the printers are proud to claim Charles S. Semper as a charter member.
After the formation of the International Typographical Union in 1852, the growth of the organization has been almost phenomenal. As the history has been related up to and including the formation of an International labor organization it may be of interest to note the progress since '52, just a few years being sufficient to show what rapid strides were taken.
At the International convention held at Atlanta, Ga., 1890, 139 delegates were present. The membership including pressmen, photo-engravers, electrotypers, stereotypers and binders was 24,194.
The Boston convention, 1891, 166 delegates were present and the membership had grown in numbers to 25,165. Philadelphia convention, 1892, showed a still greater increase—170 delegates present and the total membership 28,187. A similar growth continued each year, two years later, 1894, the convention was held at Louisville, Ky., and the total membership had reached 31,379, which included pressmen and all mentioned heretofore connected with the printing trade. In 1896, the convention was held at Colorado Springs. The records show the membership again reduced to 28,838, by the surrender of jurisdiction over the pressmen and binders.
In 1900 a total membership of 32,105 had been enrolled. During the year 3,000 more names were added. And so the history runs on until the Golden Jubilee convention was held in Cincinnati, Ohio. 205 delegates answered the roll-call besides ex-delegates and other visitors. 1,200 visitors registered at headquarters of which 152 were women. The membership at this time stood 38,364, without the electrotypers or stereotypers— jurisdiction over these two having been relinquished.
August 13, 1902, Cincinnati, Ohio, marked the formation of the Woman's Auxiliary to the International Typographical Union. Two years later they had forty auxiliaries with a total membership of 1,031. They have advanced rapidly ever since, growing in popularity and membership all the time.
In 1904, the International had surrendered jurisdiction over the photo-engravers and still had enrolled a membership of 46,165. In 1905, the convention was held at Torronto, Canada, the registration showed 1,580 names and many visitors were in attendance that did not register. The membership of the International Typographical Union without the pressmen, binders, photoengravers, electrotypers or stereotypers was 46,734, against 24,194, in 1890, including all of the above. 46,000 seems to be its zenith, in 1908, after the close of the great strike for a general eight-hour day, the membership is between forty-five and forty-seven thousand.
It is useless to trace the progress from year to year but no doubt it would be interesting to note advances gained in obtaining better wages and shorter hours. The organization has progressed as rapidly along these lines as in membership. I shall note only the recent strike and the outcome.
In newspaperdom improvements in method was slow. But when it did arrive progress was extremely rapid. Mr. Lynch, president of the International, said in an article, published in 1906: "The newspaper industry felt the effect of the typesetting machine, and coincident with the introduction of that labor-saving device came the desire on the part of the newspaper printer that animated his forefathers of the past ages. He wanted to reduce the hours of his employment at his trade." The newspaper printer soon succeeded in this and 1906 found the eight-hour work-day established almost everywhere—in fact the rule had applied generally for several years.
The book and job field was a more difficult field for the linotype to fill. As time passed even this obstacle was overcome. Not only was the typesetting machine introduced, but other labor saving devices that could be used in the commercial branch of the printing trade. The book and job printer soon followed the example of his newspaper brother and demanded a shorter work day. As a result of this agitation the nine-hour day was established. It did not satisfy the general membership of this progressive organization that a part of its membership should have an eight-hour day and the job printers in some cities work nine hours, so a general demand was made for eight hours where it had not already been granted.
The battle cry had been taken up in 1905: "We propose to sell to the employer eight hours out of every twenty-four, and we will do as we please with the remaining sixteen!'' With this slogan, January 1, 1906, in every office where eight hours was not recognized as the maximum for a days' work the printers "put on their coats."
Many assessments of various per cents on the earnings of the membership was levied as the necessity for money in large denominations grew, but to give the reader a fair idea of the general feeling of the membership, it may be mentioned that a ten per cent assessment on the total membership was submitted to referendum for their approval or disapproval and a majority of nearly thirty thousand voted in favor of the assessment plan. Gradually, as the strike progressed and victories were won, the per cent collected from the membership was reduced until March 1, 1908, marked the complete suspension of the strike assessment —which means no more funds are needed—a complete victory fairly won and a general eight-hour day for all of the craft.
The newspaper publishers were less able to resist demands that are based on justice than the employing printers of the job offices; they may have the same inclination to resist but their business is more liable to suffer seriously by industrial strife— so it was not their devotion to the unions but their own material interest that the newspaper employers considered. The employing printer of the book and job office considers himself more as a manufacturer and is governed in the majority of cases by the methods followed generally, by the Manufacturers' Association. If you follow the history of the labor movement from its inception to the present you will find in every instance, where the workers banded together for mutual benefit, their employers organized to defeat their plans. The Typographical union was met likewise by the organization of the employers known as the United Typothetae of America. This organization stubbornly resisted the demand for an eight-hour day. The employers were so foolish as to believe it would be easy to win a victory over the Typographical union and that all that was necessary was to resist. So those most opposed to the union movement, welcomed the announced intention of the union printers to demand a general eight-hour day. In a few localities, the employing printers hurried matters along by taking an arbitrary position in advance, they were so sanguine of success.
The trade union movement has seldom witnessed such stubborn resistance on the part of the employers as characterized the efforts of the Typothetae to defeat the printers. The employers were supported morally and financially by other associations of a like nature.
As is usually the case in such struggles between the employing and the working class, the former used the courts to their advantage against the workers. It has been generally admitted the strike of the printers was the most peaceable of any of the conflicts between capital and labor of recent years. The law was strictly observed by the strikers. Despite this, the printers were hauled before courts in numberless instances, charged with all the crimes that usually make up the application for injunction writs filed by corporation attorneys. As is also quite common, the judges accepted the affidavits submitted by the employers' attorneys and issued temporary injunctions against the printers, prohibiting picketing and boycotting. These injunctions were later made permanent, despite any evidence that the union advanced. The Federal and state judges trampled under foot all law or sense of right and justice in their eagerness to serve the Typothetae and defeat the union. While the union observed strictly, the recognized laws it did not hold sacred the decisions prohibiting picketing but continued their "peaceful pickets" around all unfair establishments in all kinds of weather.
The printers considered the injunctions "class legislation" and therefore, "unconstitutional."
Did they go to jail for ignoring the injunctions? Certainly they did—but others were willing to fall in line and continue the picketing while their brothers served the jail sentence for violating the injunctions. The various injunctions helped to prolong the strike but did not succeed in defeating the cause for which it was called. They simply served to arouse the workers to the dangers that confront them in the injunction court procedure when the courts are controlled by the trusts of this country.
A year of warfare practically won the victory for the Typographical union, although the struggle continued in some places — the majority of the shops had fallen in line and signed the contract granting eight hours before the close of 1906. The fact that the International at the close of February, 1908, discontinued the assessment upon the membership as no longer necessary in a few words means the victory has been won and that the employing printers realize that the job printers as well as those employed on newspapers will "sell to the employer eight hours out of every twenty-four and do as they please with the remaining sixteen."
The cost of the strike to the International is estimated by conservatives at three and a half million dollars and by others at five millions which does not include loss in wages.
Mr. Lynch in an article entitled: "A Struggle for Eight Hours," dated June 14, 1906, published in the Colorado Springs' Souvenir, closed with the following:
"Many people take into consideration only the cost of a strike—this or that strike cost a million dollars—or two million was expended. What a terrible waste of money. In our conflict, a conservative estimate of the loss of money paid out by the union, in money lost in wages, and in money lost by the employers, is at least five million dollars. But the cost of a strike is a bagatelle as compared to the benefits that will accrue in future years. For more than fifty years, the newspaper men struggled for equitable conditions; strike after strike occurred, but in the end industrial peace was achieved. This history will repeat itself in the book and job branch, resulting in a period of peace and prosperity that we hope will last for years."
This article was written after six months of strike—that the printers won has become a fact since then—the financial cost was many millions if loss in wages is considered—but the victory priceless.
The printers are justly proud of their progress as an organization. In addition to the good accomplished in gaining shorter hours, better wages, etc., etc., we have the distinction of maintaining a Home for aged or distressed members, the bounty of which is unpurchasable. This Home is the only institution of the kind in the United States and as far as the writer can ascertain, the only one of a like nature in the world.
Union Printers' Home
The Union Printers' Home is located at the very foot of Pikes' Peak, Colorado Springs, Colorado. The Home was built and is maintained by the membership of the International Typographical Union. In the early days it was known as the Childs-Drexel Home for Union Printers—this name came as a result of a gift by the late George W. Childs and Anthony J. Drexel, each of whom contributed $5,000 to the International Typographical union in token of their life-long friendship for union printers. This was the first money set apart to be used in some like manner that would benefit the entire organization. At first it was hard to determine in just what manner the money could be best used with the final result as stated. The printers, feeling extremely grateful and wishing to honor the two gentlemen for their gift, called the Home in its infancy the Childs-Drexel Home. Aside from the $10,000 contributed to the institution by Childs and Drexel and a small bequest by Julia A. Ladd, the money spent upon it has come voluntary from the pockets of union printers. The contribution to the support of the Home to each member of the union is but ten cents per month per member but when combined means something like six hundred thousand dollars. In a half minute each day a union printer earns what he contributes daily to sustain this beautiful Home.
The Union Printers' Home was dedicated May 12, 1893; the original cost of the main building, $70,114.44; later an annex was built which cost $20,820.54; superintendent's cottage, $3,400; laundry and its equipments, $12,241.55; barns, green houses, corrals and other outbuildings, $10,000; fire escapes, $2,000. The tents for tubercular patients cost $2,000. The beautiful granite archway at the entrance to the grounds, cost $1,500. Many other figures of cost of various additions and improvements could be added but the foregoing will give the reader an idea of the cost of building and maintaining the Union Printers' Home, the greatest monument to unionism in the world. To appreciate the great advantages, the perfection of the plan and the enormity of the undertaking it would take a visit to the Home to fully realize. Visitors are always welcome and entertained hospitably. The Home has eighty acres of land; five hundred shade trees, seven acres of green lawns, five thousand square feet of cement sidewalks; its own conservatories; a dairy unsurpassed; poultry yards of the highest class and everything necessary to the health and happiness of those who are sick or disabled in any manner. Every year marks some decided improvement, an enlargement or addition in size or comfort of the Home. The library was made a specialty recently with the result that the Home has a splendid collection of the best books published.
In short, the Union Printers' Home is the pride of every member of the craft and justly so. The rules are broad—more so than any city or county institution—it does not require a year of "red tape" for a union printer to take advantage of the benefits of this institution of which every member is a part owner.
UNION PRINTERS' HOME, COLORADO SPRINGS, COLO.
Erected and Maintained by the Membership
of the International Typographical Union.
The management of the Home is in the hands of a superintendent and board of trustees, elected by the membership. At this writing the management is as follows: Chas. S. Deacon, superintendent; James M. Lynch, J. W. Bramwood, Thos. McCaffery, L. C. Shepard, W. J. White, Thos. F. Crowley and T. D. Fennessy, trustees. Mr. Deacon has been in charge as superintendent for many years, this fact alone, proving his able management and popularity. Mrs. Deacon is a "mother" to every inmate of the Home they will tell you.
Where giant mountains lift their crests,
And valleys golden secrets hold,
And perfect air makes men live long,
There stands a home for printers old.For knights of keyboard, stick and rule,
Whose union faith has stood the test,
If "slow" beneath the weight of years
Or by the needs of illness pressed.It sent our banners to the van.
It said our brotherhood was true.
The crowning glory of the craft,
It honors Childs and Drexel, too,
Whose names shall live in union hearts
While printers ply the art of arts.—Sam Christy, Indianapolis.
1908 marks the establishment of a pension fund by the International Typographical Union. Another move in the right direction. This will mean that the superannuated members will eventually receive a pension. The apprentice question is being given a great deal of attention. Schools or unions of apprentices being taken up. These meetings are to be attended by one or more members of the Typographical union that will guide the juniors in the "straight and narrow path," educating them not only in perfecting themselves as skilled mechanics in the trade but also instilling into their minds the rudiments of unionism.
Supreme Court vs. Labor
"Tyranny
Is far the worst of treasons. Dost thou deem
None rebels except subjects? The prince who
Neglects or violates his trust is more
A brigand than the robber-chief."—Byron.
THIS work would not be complete without some mention of the numerous decisions of the Federal and state Courts in favor of the employers and striking a direct blow to the wage workers of the land. The New York Worker recently published a compilation of decisions in favor of the trusts. The following compiled from the Worker and from various other sources, is a summary of a few of the most important anti-labor decisions rendered by state and Federal Courts, covering a period of more than six months:
In August, 1907, Judge Dean of Arizona, issued an injunction forbidding Miners' Union No. 106, each of its officers or anybody else connected or in sympathy with it to make any efforts to get workmen to join their strike and especially commanding them "to desist absolutely from writing or sending through the mails any written or printed card, circular, letter, or other communication conveying to any patron or prospective patron of the plaintiff any information of the miners' strike."
In September, 1907, a Vermont Court issued an injunction forbidding the Quarrymen's Union to try to persuade any employee of the Associated Quarry Owners to join the strike.
October 19, 1907, the United States Circuit Court of Minnesota upheld a lower Court in issuing an injunction against the Brotherhood of Carpenters, forbidding the carpenters to carry out their resolution not to use materials manufactured in nonunion factories.
October 21, 1907, Judge Thompson of the United States Circuit Court of Ohio, issued an injunction forbidding the officers of the International Pressmen's Union to pay benefits out of the union's funds or to do anything to support the union's demand for an eight hour day and forbidding the union to take a referendum vote on the question of striking.
October 23, 1907, Judge Dayton of the United States District Court of West Virginia, issued an injunction forbidding the national or district officers of the United Mine Workers to make any attempt to organize the employees of the Hitchman, Glendale and Richland Coal Companies in that state.
November 18, 1907, Judge Hazel of Buffalo, issued an injunction forbidding the Switchmen's Union to take any action toward declaring a strike for reduction of hours or increase of wages on the Lackawanna railroad.
December 13, 1907, a Circuit Court in Ohio, wiped off the statute books the state law prohibiting the employment of young boys at night work in the mills and factories.
December 17, 1907, the Equity Court of the District of Columbia, issued an injunction forbidding the American Federation of Labor to publish in its official organ the name of the Buck Stove & Range Co., as one of the firms that workingmen ought not to patronize on account of its bitter antagonism to the labor movement.
January 6, 1908, the United States Supreme Court declared unconstitutional the Federal law making railway companies engaged in interstate commerce liable for damages in the case of employees killed or injured at their work as a result of defective equipment or negligence of fellow servants.
January 24, 1908, Judge Phillips of the Common Pleas Court of Cuyahoga County, Ohio, ordered the dissolution of the Amalgamated Window Glass Workers of America, on the ground that the union is "a labor trust, an unlawful combination in restraint of trade."
January 27, 1908, the United States Supreme Court declared unconstitutional the Federal law forbidding railway companies engaged in interstate commerce to discharge employees for belonging to a labor organization.
February 3, 1908, the United States Supreme Court rendered a decision against the United Hatters of North America in favor of D. Loewe & Co., hat manufacturers of Danbury, Conn., and indirectly against the American Federation of Labor. The Loewe concern run one of the twelve non-union hat factories in the United States, seventy being unionized. The United Hatters, in the hope of inducing Loewe & Co. to comply with union conditions of work, hours and wages, has carried on an active campaign to induce workingmen and sympathizers with the labor movement to buy only union-made hats and to particularly refrain from buying hats made in the Loewe concern. Loewe was printed in the "We Don't Patronize" list run in the American Federationist.
Loewe sued the union, its president and two hundred of its individual members under the Sherman Act. The United States Circuit Court dismissed the case as not properly falling under the provisions of that law. Loewe therefore appealed. The Circuit Court of Appeals reaffirmed the decision, but the Supreme Court reversed it, upholding the claims of the capitalist plaintiff.
Loewe alleged that his business had suffered to the amount of $80,000—that is, he thought he would have made $80,000 more profit if the working people had not been informed of the fact that his factory was a non-union place. He therefore proposes to collect from the union and its members $280,000—three times the amount of his loss, plus $40,000 for the expenses of the suit.
The Sherman Act is commonly spoken of as an anti-trust law. Its ostensible purpose, when enacted by the Republican party, was to prevent combinations of great manufacturers or traders with railroads, etc., from combining to crush smaller competitors and drive them out of business. In practice, under Republican and Democratic judges, it has been used almost exclusively against labor organizations.
At a glance the reader can see that in the decision of February 3, the Court takes the position that unions shall not boycott, that the publication of a list of names as "unfair" to organised labor is a criminal offence and punishable by law. The boycott has been used for many years as one of labor's strongest weapons. The recent decisions only tend to more fully demonstrate to the workers the necessity of filling these positions, occupied now by representatives of the trusts, by members of their own class.