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Victor
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The
Cripple Creek
Strike:
a History of
Industrial Wars
in Colorado,
1903-4-5
By Emma Florence Langdon
pages 580 to 595
Backward Glances
"They never fail who die
In a great cause; the block may soak their gore,
Their heads may sodden in the sun; their limbs
Be strung to city gates and castle walls;
But still their spirits walks" abroad. Though years
Elapse, and others share as dark a doom,
They but augment the dark and sweeping thoughts
Which overpower all others and conduct
The world at last to freedom."
—Byron.
THE strike is probably the most ancient of labor's weapons, the first protest against injustice. They have continued from Pharaoh's brick yard to the present. The early history of Greece, Sicily and Rome records disastrous strikes. The strikers were made up of freemen and slaves—the latter owed their miserable condition to birth, conquest, debt or crime, the former weighed down by poverty differed from the slave only in the fact that he had no master.
One of those early strikes left an indelible mark on the pages of history. It occurred during the conflict between Athens and Sparta in the silver mines of Laurium, B. C. 413. It was a revolt of 20,000 workers condemned to the most inhuman toil. Men and women were stripped of their clothing, their bodies painted, their legs loaded with chains, driven on by the clubs of overseers.
In this condition they were set at work drilling rock, breaking it in pieces and carrying it to the mouth of the shaft. Outside were the smitheries, machine shops, etc. The money and supplies of war for Athens were made here. Their work continued three hundred and sixty-five days in the year, they received eighteen cents per day. Employers considered the wage a tempting one.
The splendors of Athenian civilization rested upon their labors. The Athenians considered themselves kind masters because the citizens of other states treated their slaves still more harshly, the status of labor was yet more degraded.
If such was the condition of the worker among the most enlightened people of antiquity, consider how dire the state from whence labor has emerged.
The strike destroyed the supremacy of Athens and placed Sparta at the head of the Grecian states, it was a victory of aristocracy over democracy. The forces of reaction triumphed over the forces of progress.
When the strikers went over to the Spartans the latter were enthused, the former disheartened. They struck a blow that staggered civilization, but they improved, for the moment, their own condition. What else should they have considered? They were only burden-bearers of the civilization that rested upon them with such crushing weight. The doctrine of each for himself was carried out in that strike. Philosophy, literature and art suffered in consequence. What then? No civilization can endure that rests upon the misery of the worker. Labor will wage no more battles in which victory will but lengthen the night of her bondage, increase the weight of her chains.
Rome was the scene of many fierce labor wars—or strikes. There was an attempt on the part of slaves to burn the city in the year 417 B. C. Another desperate revolt occurred 194, B. C. It was caused by the appropriation of the public lands by the rich men of that time—much like the rich land thieves of today. A third of a hard-working population were being choked from the means of subsistence. The revolt was crushed by a Roman army and 2,500 public executions were its bloody fruit.
The subterranean quarries of Rome furnished stone for the public buildings were differentiated into sewers, workshops and prisons, a person, once thrown in, never again saw the light of day.
Everywhere the success of the Roman arms was followed by the enslavement of great masses of people. At long periods the workers struck back endeavoring to ameliorate their awful conditions. The names of some of the leaders have survived to the present time, but have only recently been made accessible to the general reader.
The poor and lowly have not written the records nor kept the archives of history. We should have had a very different account had it been written by the lowly. Names long revered are toppling from their lofty pedestals as mankind recognizes that they were the servitors of oppression, and others lost in the gossip of a kings debauches or covered with the opprobrius epithet of demagogue and agitators are being restored their rightful place in the affections of the race.
We can but call the roll of a few who deserve remembrance. The brothers Caius and Tiberius Gracchus who fought against a landlordism worse than that which has devastated Ireland, killed by the Roman nobility. The bondman Drimakos, Viriathus bringing the Roman armies to a halt in Spain; Eunus, a slave rising through revolt, to the rule of Sicily; Clodius an eloquent lawyer restoring to the workingmen the right of organization, and in so doing encompassing the downfall of Cicero; Spartacus, the gladiator, rising at the time the Roman nobles were attempting to destroy the right of organization among the workers defeating numerous armies and only beaten at last through divisions in his own ranks; these are a few of the names that deserve a place in Labor's Pantheon.
In this connection we might note the slow advance of labor. Conceded the right of organization among primitive people but beaten down as soon as wealth is accumulated and concentrated. Battling under the Caesars for rights fully enjoyed centuries before, suffering restrictions today unknown to our fathers. Yet enjoying rights and possessing powers to which the people of every other age were strangers. The advent of the people is a very modern event. The first public meeting held to enlighten Englishmen in regard to their political rights was in 1769. In 1795 a law was passed giving a justice of the peace power to disperse a public meeting, if it consisted of more than twelve people a refusal to dispurse one hour after being ordered to do so was punishable with death. In 1798 five journeymen printers who had been invited by their employers to meet them and discuss grievances, were upon their arrival arrested, tried and sentenced to penal servitude. For many hundred years Parliament had legislated to keep down the wages of the workers.
One of the first acts of the authorities in our own country was to determine wages—and not in the interests of the laborer. In 1633, the General Court of Massachusetts, decreed that skilled laborers, specifying the crafts of that day, were not to receive more than fifty cents per day. The wage of the better class of unskilled workers was set at thirty-six cents per day. In 1672 wages for common labor did not exceed fifty cents per day and remained almost stationary until after the Revolutionary war.
A strike occurred among the sailors of New York in 1802. The first trade union in the United States was that of the New York Society of Journeymen Shipwrights. A union of house carpenters was incorporated in 1806 and a printers union called the New York Typographical Society existed almost from the beginning of the century. The shipwrights and caulkers of Boston were incorporated under a charter granted by the legislature of Massachusetts. They were considered as a benefit society without any right to take aggressive action.
Then as now the press was unfriendly to labor. The first paper published in its behalf was the Workingmens' Advocate in 1825.
The first trade union council was convened in New York in 1833. With the improvement in facilities for communication, local unions were converted into national and international organizations.
The International Typographical Union formed in 1852, was the first national trade union in the United States. They were followed by the hatters in 1854, the iron and steel workers in 1858 and the Iron Moulders of North America in 1859.
The Civil war ushered in great combinations of capital and was followed by a more general organization of labor.
The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers was organized in 1863, the Cigarmakers International Union and the International Union of Bricklayers and Masons in 1864. Between thirty and forty national organizations were in existence at the close of 1866.
A working man's party was organized. A bill promising an eight-hour day was passed by Congress in 1869. The first efficient limitation of the working day for women and children was passed by Massachusetts in 1874. The limit was sixty hours per week and provided that the children should show a school certificate.
The Knights of Labor organized in 1869, maintained a precarious existence for the first ten years, had reached but 100,000 in 1885, in the following year however, it added 700,000 members. This marked its zenith. Corruption, internal dissension and the rise of a new organization, the American Federation of Labor, which was organized in 1881, hastened its downfall. One of the most important acts growing out of its agitation was the passage of the Alien Contract Labor Law. Secretary of Commerce and Labor Straus' decision, sustained by Attorney General Bonaparte, that the law did not apply to immigrants brought over by state agency has practically nullified the effect of the law. The mill owners of the South, the coal barons of West Virginia, the employing lithographers have availed themselves of this decision.
One of the first effects of a panic is to reduce wages. This was first clearly shown in the panic of 1873. Month by month wages went down. When the Centennial of the Declaration of Independence was celebrated the workers were suffering more from the tyranny of capitalism than the colonists had from King George.
The spirit of revolt spread among the workers. It reached a climax when President Scott of the Pennsylvania railroad announced a ten per cent reduction in wages that had already reached the starvation point. A train crew abandoned their train saying it was better to starve in idleness than to starve while working. The strike spread until a large part of the country was involved. The troops were called out, for the first time in America the soldier was used to suppress the worker.
A truly remarkable strike was that on the Union Pacific of May, 1884. The company posted a notice over the entire system announcing a general reduction in the wages of all employers except engineers and firemen of from ten to twenty-five per cent. Not a shop on the system was organized, yet within thirty-six hours every shop from Omaha to Ogden was on strike. The notice of reduction was posted on Thursday, the company rescinded the order Saturday and announced that on Monday work would be resumed at the old scale.
A second strike on the Union Pacific in the same year terminated successfully for the men, as did that of the American Railway Union on the Great Northern in 1894.
The list of unsuccessful strikes on the railways is a long one, no attempt will be made to give it in detail. The engineer's strike on the "Q," the one on the Gould system led by the heroic Irons, will recur to most readers as striking instances of failure.
The greatest and most disastrous strike in the railway world was that of the American Railway Union led by Eugene V. Debs in 1894. The American Railway Union was an industrial organization and when the men went out against the advice of its president in sympathy with the Pullman car employees, traffic was tied up from Chicago westward. The entire country realized the tremendous power of labor. President Cleveland and the Courts came to the relief of the corporations. Over the protest of Governor Altgeld the Federal troops were sent to Chicago. Debs spent six months in jail for disobeying an injunction. The strike was lost, thousands of men were blacklisted. They learned how not to do things—and the cause went marching on.
A large number of men scattered over a wide area are not nearly so effective in aiding their fellows in securing better contions as when restricted to narrower area. Again those whose work is rough and heavy seem most willing to strike hard blows and themselves undergo severe hardships in defense of others. The teamsters of Chicago and other cities afford an illustration of this fact.
In sympathy, interests, mode of organization and assistance to others in time of need, the coal and metalliferous miners are closely related, a short space will be devoted to their organization.
The first union of coal miners was formed in the anthracite region in 1849 but speedily collapsed. In 1869 John Siney organized the Miners and Laborers Benevolent Association. It grew rapidly until 1875 when a general strike was ordered which closed every mine in the district but the strike collapsed and the union was destroyed.
The American Miners' Association was the first attempt at organization among the bituminous miners, in 1861. It went down in the strikes of '67 or '68. It was followed by the Miners' National Association which gained a membership of 20,000 in 1874, but soon disappeared. It was followed by the Knights of Labor which spread throughout the mining regions but at last shared the fate of its predecessors. It had passed its zenith in 1885, in that year the Miners' National Progressive Union was formed. It reached a larger measure of success in the bituminous fields than any of the former unions. Joint conferences were held with the operators in West Virginia, Western Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. There was constant friction between the union and the Knights of Labor and the membership of each declined. It became apparent that the mine workers must be united in a single organization if any permanent gain was to be secured.
Assembly No. 135, of the Knights of Labor, which claimed jurisdiction over the coal miners and the Progressive Union, were consolidated in 1890, forming the United Mine Workers of America.
ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKE OF 1902.
One of the most notable strikes in the mining industry in the United States was begun in the Antharcite coal district in 1902, when, at a signal, almost one hundred and fifty thousand men and boys laid down their tools. Despite the pangs of hunger, temptations that were offered to desert the cause, only a small minority returned to work in the five months of suffering that followed.
The railroad and mining companies and their financial backers represented a capital of hundreds of millions if not of billions of dollars and their strength was used to its fullest capacity to defeat the mine workers.
The financial losses resulting from the strike showed the costliness of labor conflicts. The Anthracite Coal Strike Commission estimated that the loss to railroads and coal companies in reduced freight and coal receipts was not less than $74,000,000, and the loss in wages to the miners of not less than $25,000,000, the total loss being placed by the commission at $99,000,000. The strike of 1902, is memorable for the terrible hardships which it entailed.
The strike came as a culmination of development lasting through three-fourths of a century. During the last two generations a slow, stubborn contest had been waged by labor in the Anthracite coal fields against the ever-increasing power and oppression of monopoly.
Anthracite coal was first shipped to the seaboard during the War of 1812, but up to 1850, the shipments were comparatively slight. Mining hard coal was considered of little importance and the number of miners only about eight thousand. In 1850, there was no monopoly of the mines, no connection between transportation and mining companies.
It was not until after the Civil war that mining became profitable to any great extent.
After the war, although the operators made large profits, a strong attempt was made to reduce wages and break up the miners' union. From 1867 to 1875, an aggressive war was waged between the operator and the union, known as the Workingmens' Benevolent Association with the result the miners' organization ceased to exist by the end of 1875.
It was during the quarter of a Century between 1875 to 1900, that the abuses leading to the strikes of 1900 and 1902 were inaugurated. During this period of practically unorganized labor, the conditions grew more terrible all the time. The object of the operators seemed to be to prevent the formation of unions and to keep the men in absolute subjection. This they practically succeeded in doing. They were organized from time to time but as often disrupted. One section was used against the other, so that divided, all of the sections fell.
It is not strange that in this semi-unorganized state the miners were wronged, cheated and mistreated in many ways. Chief among these was the increase in what constituted a ton of coal. The size of a ton increased in weight from 2,000 to 2,800 until finally, they exacted from the miner 3,190 pounds of coal and called it a ton and he was paid the same for a ton that weighed 3,190 as he formerly received for 2,000 pounds. Where the coal was paid for by the car, the same system was adopted, and the car grew, as though it were a live oak. So a man was paid no more if three or four inches were added to its size or if he was obliged to fill ten inches of "topping" above the rail. The company adopted a system of docking, which was arbitrary, unjust' and tyrannous. The Strike Commission stated that the amount docked by even fair companies diminished fifty per cent when the miners were allowed to employ check docking bosses.
As late as 1899 the idea of organizing the miners of the Anthracite region of Pennsylvania was regarded as all but impossible by all but a few of the most enthusiastic members of the mine workers. Some of the greatest difficulties being the difference in race, religion, and ideals of the twenty Nationalities in the region, the variations in the standard of living, all conspired to make them distrustful of the movement, especially so on account of the mutual distrust of the races and the failures of the different unions organized before.
The market was overcrowded with coal and the region with men. The operators were united in a bitter hostility toward any form of organization among the miners. Pioneer miners were threatened with being blacklisted. Men that had grown old in the Anthracite region, shook their heads doubtfully and predicted it would be impossible for any organization to gain a foothold in the Anthracite region. Within a year all this changed and the leaders of the organization claim the Anthracite settlement as one of their greatest victories.
The local organizations of the miners were organized under so many different names, grew then died from 1861 to the final formation of the United Mine Workers of America, it would take a great deal of space to enumerate them. Many times the organization under one of the old names in the bituminous fields, grew to a membership of 20,000 but as often the membership fell back to 8,000 or in some cases, practically a few hundred.
After the Miners' National Progressive Union and District Assembly No. 135, Knights of Labor, amalgamated, forming the United Mine Workers of America, the union gradually extended its influence and organized the Anthracite and bituminous men to a great extent. In 1894, a general strike was inaugurated in the bituminous fields and the membership was reduced to 9,000, this left nothing but history of the organization in the anthracite region.
Several small strikes took place. Early in 1900, under the leadership of President John Mitchell, an increased force of organizers were stationed in the Anthracite coal fields.
In July, 1900, mutterings were heard on every hand and it seemed the time had come for the inevitable struggle. Every means was resorted to by the unions to meet the operators but to no avail and the strike of 1900 was ordered to take effect September 17. Although the membership was only 8,000 the organization so clearly represented the attitude of the majority of the mine workers, that from 80,000 to 100,000 men and boys quit work the first day and their number increased until it reached 144,000 employees. Fully ninety per cent of the total men employed. October 20, work was resumed, a raise of wages of ten per cent having been granted. No one considered the struggle in 1900 as conclusive.
Immediately after the men returned to work in 1900, stockades were built about many of the mines, depots were established for the storage of coal. In 1901, the union again maintained peace by a continuation of the agreement of 1900 which had been flung at them rather than granted.
In 1902, every effort consistent with the preservation of dignity was made by the representatives of the union to secure a joint conference with the operators in the hope that a strike might be averted. February 14, 1902, the officials of the United Mine Workers, addressed a letter to the various railroad presidents asking for a joint conference to be held at Scranton, Pa., March 12. The request was refused by the operators unanimously. The Mine Workers, in convention assembled at Shamokin, Pa., formulated a series of demands to be presented to the operators. March 22, a telegram was sent to the railroad presidents asking them to meet representatives of the mine workers. The first conference was held March 26. The operators remained obstinate. The second conference was held but the operators still refused the demand. The union offered to compromise their original demands by accepting a ten per cent increase in wages instead of twenty as at first demanded, a nine-hour day instead of eight. The peaceful attitude was mistaken for cowardice and the railway presidents grew more obdurate.
May 8, there still lingered a hope that the trouble could be averted and as a last resort the officials of the United Mine Workers sent a telegram to the operators offering to submit their demands to an arbitration committee of five persons selected by the Industrial Branch of the Civic Federation, or, if that was not satisfactory, to a committee composed of Bishop Ireland, Bishop Potter and one other person whom these two might select. This proposition was also refused. President Baer of the Reading Coal and Iron Company declared "Anthracite mining is a business and not a religious, sentimental or academic proposition," etc. May 9, the District Executive Committee assembled at Scranton and after all other efforts had failed, ordered a temporary suspension of mining to take place May 12, and issued a call for a convention to meet at Hazelton, May 14, to determine if the suspension should be made permanent. The convention by a vote of four hundred and sixty-one and one fourth to three hundred and forty-nine and three-fourths decided in favor of the strike and the strike which has been conceded to be the greatest in American history was declared May 15, 1902. At this time the miners of West Virginia were also on strike, so with the calling out of the Anthracite miners half the membership of the United Mine Workers were on strike. The Anthracite miners hoped for the calling out of the bituminous miners which would have meant a general suspension of mining throughout the country. It seems the existence of a contract between the operators and the miners which was binding until April, 1903 was the sole reason the bituminous mines continued work. This contract was sacredly observed. A special convention was held in Indianapolis, Ind., beginning July 17, to consider the advisability of a general strike and many other important matters. The delegates voted against a sympathetic strike. The members of the organization in the bituminous fields pledged themselves to subscribe weekly one dollar or ten per cent of their earnings to a fund to be used for the relief of the Anthracite strikers; and the officers of the organization agreed to pay thirty-five per cent of their salaries for the same purpose. In this manner, during a period of sixteen weeks the enormous sum of $2,645,324.42 was collected. The bituminous miners alone paid into the relief fund an average of $7 to $16 per man. Toward the close of the strike many local unions increased their donations, in some instances members offered to pay twenty-five per cent of their earnings. As time passed the suffering of the miners and their families became acute and the publics' need of coal more pressing—the price of coal soared as high as $30 per ton, especially was this so if purchased in small quantities.
At this time the President of the United States intervened. The operators had stubbornly refused to yield to advice of friend or threat of foe; they appeared absolutely indifferent to the suffering public. The President sent an invitation to the various railroad presidents, to Mr. Mitchell, president of the United Mine Workers of America, and the presidents of the local unions of the Anthracite district to meet him in the temporary White House October 3. This meeting became historic. The President appealed to their patriotism. Mr. Mitchell proposed that all matters of dispute be submitted to the arbitration of a tribunal selected by the President. At this juncture a recess was taken until 3 o'clock and Koosevelt suggested discussion be suspeneded until that time. The afternoon session was one hot to be forgotten. The operators disregarded the President's admonition and launched forth upon a series of tirades against unions and their officers. Instead of accepting the proposed plan of peace and arbitration, the operators urged the President of the Nation to send troops into the coal fields. The attitude of the operators caused a wave of indignation to sweep over the country. The President continued his efforts and October 6, requested President Mitchell, through the Hon. Carroll D. Wright, commissioner of Labor, to secure the return of the men to work. On account of the complications this would have brought President Mitchell refused. A few days after the conference with Roosevelt, the governor of Pennsylvania, ordered out the National Guard, which proceeded to the coal fields. The operators had repeatedly stated that with the troops in the field they would resume and supply the public need. On the day 10,000 militiamen reached the strike center the union men assembled in mass meeting and 150,000 men without one dissenting vote, voted to continue the strike until victory was won.
When October came coal had reached famine prices, the press and people in general were clamoring for a settlement of the strike. The operators finally realized the necessity of surrendering. October 13, J. Pierpont Morgan called upon President Roosevelt, and, in the name of the operators, offered to submit matters in dispute to a commission of five men to be appointed by the President and selected in the manner prescribed in the letter of submission. At the time the offer of arbitration was made the miners had practically won the strike. They had more money on hand than ever before in the history of the organization and the men had demonstrated that the troops had no effect upon them and they were in a position to continue the contest indefinitely. After it was learned the President was to have full power a convention was called to meet in Wilkesbarre, October 20. This convention after one days' discussion, voted unanimously that work should be resumed October 23, and all question in dispute were submitted to the arbitration commission appointed by the President of the United States. So the strike that had endured for five months as a result of the operators refusal to arbitrate was brought to a close.
The sessions of the commission were destined to become historic. Preliminary meetings were held October 24 and 27, 1902, and with few intermissions sat in Scranton and Philadelphia from November 14, 1902, until February 5, 1903. This period was devoted to the taking of testimony and was succeeded by five days of argument February 9, to 13th, inclusive. Attorneys represented both sides. The sessions were marked by dramatic incidents, chief among which was the testimony of little children who worked in the silk mills and coal breakers. 558 witnesses were examined, of whom 240 were called by the union, 153 by the attorneys for the non-union men who were specially represented, 154 by the operators and 11 by the commission. The testimony covered over 10,000 pages of legal cap paper besides exhibits, etc., etc. The award given March 18, 1903, was lengthy and with the exhibits appended to it made a document of 120,000 words.
The award did not give the men nearly all they were entitled to, yet it secured substantial advantages to the mine workers. It recognized the United Mine Workers as one of the contracting parties, granted an increase of ten per cent in wages, reduced the hours of engineers and firemen from twelve to eight hours without reduction in pay, reduced the hours of mine laborers from ten to nine and provided that their wages should be paid by the company instead of the miner. It further provided that cars should be equitably distributed, granted to the men the right to have check weighmen and check docking bosses and recommended a permanent board of conciliation.
The strike of 1902, probably increased the total wages of the mine workers between seven and eight million dollars annually.
EMPLOYEES VS. EMPLOYERS.
In the twenty years from 1881 to 1900, there were 22,793 strikes, involving 6,105,694 workers. The loss in time was equivalent to 194,000,000 days, or practically one month for each worker who had been involved in a strike. The loss in wages was $258,000,000; the total estimated loss to the community was $469,000,000. Contributions from labor organizations to maintain strikes amounted to $16,000,000.
Fifty-one per cent of the strikes in this period were successful, thirteen per cent partially successful, and thirty-six per cent failed. Strikes are characteristic of periods of prosperity, lockouts of periods of depression. In the boom period from 1881 to 1883, fifty-seven per cent of the strikes were successful, while sixty per cent were won in the prosperous years from 1896 to 1900.
Data is somewhat meager regarding strikes prior to 1860. 2,500 are recorded, the results known for 1,053. Of these thirty per cent were successful, fifteen per cent compromised, fifty-five per cent lost.
It should be remarked that the loss from strikes is more apparent than real. Periods of prosperity result in overproduction, followed by a period of depression. The markets are practically always supplied with all that can be consumed. The strike tends to put off the day when the employer must enforce a lockout.
Every attempt of the employee to better his condition has met the prompt opposition of the employer. In this matter the state has always given its assistance to the class that paid wages and in the early history of industry fixed the wage in their interest. The first strike, that of the New York seamen, though unorganized, met the immediate opposition of the merchants and ship owners. The first labor union formed in Boston brought about a union of Boston merchants who pledged themselves to "drive the shipwrights, caulkers and gravers to submission or starvation," and pledged $20,000 as a fighting fund. Seven years later one hundred and six merchants and ship owners agreed to "discountenance and check the unlawful combination formed to control the freedom of individuals as to the hours of labor."
Four hundred employers organized in New York in 1872, to combat the ten-hour movement, agreeing to contribute $1,000 each to the defense fund.
The close of the Nineteenth Century found national associations of the employers in nearly all the trades. The Citizens' Industrial Association of America, comprising sixty national and three hundred and thirty-five local associations, was organized in 1903. At the national meeting of the Manufacturers Association, held in 1907, the delegates pledged themselves to raise a fund of $1,500,000 to combat organized labor. No one can remain neutral in this conflict. A man's place is determined by his interest. When each recognizes this fact the end of a struggle that begun Centuries before a page of history was written is at hand.
"So all in vain will timorous ones essay
To set the metes and bounds of Liberty,
For Freedom is its own eternal law;
It makes its own conditions, and in storm
Or calm alike fulfills the unerring Will.
Let us not then despise it when it lies
Still as a sleeping lion, while a swarm
Of gnat-like evils hover round its head;
Nor doubt it when in mad, disjointed times
It shakes the torch of terror and its cry
Shrills o'er the quaking earth, and in the flame
Of riot and war we see its awful form
Rise by the scaffold, where the crimson axe
Rings down its grooves the knell of shuddering kings.
Forever in thine eyes, O Liberty,
Shines that high light whereby the world is saved,
And though thou slay us, we will trust in thee!"
—John Hay.
THE END.