The
Pinkerton Labor Spy
by
Morris Friedman

CHAPTER VIII.

THE CRIPPLE CREEK STRIKE—CONTINUED.

Monday, September 21st, 1903, was an eventful day in the history of the State of Colorado, for events transpired on that day in Cripple Creek that almost gave the lie to our boasted American liberty.

District Judge Seeds, of Teller County, had issued writs of habeas corpus for Sherman Parker, C. H. McKinney, Charles Campbell and James Lafferty, returnable, after the original date had been extended, on September 21st.

The military kept these four men imprisoned in a bull pen without warrant and without charges of any kind against them.

On the afternoon of September 21st, shortly before court convened, a detachment of infantry and cavalry surrounded and took possession of the Court House, and soon armed guards were stationed at every door and approach. A Gatling gun was placed in position so that it commanded the main approach to the court, and a number of sharp-shooters were stationed on the roof of the National Hotel, which is opposite the court building.

Rifles and small arms were loaded and made ready for instant action. No one was allowed to enter the Court House unless he could produce a pass signed by the military commander.

At last Brigadier General Chase hove in sight at the head of a company of cavalry, in whose midst were the four prisoners.

General Chase, his staff, and about thirty heavily armed guards, out of respect for the court, left their horses outside of the court room; but to make up for this courtesy, the guards were ordered to stand in the court room throughout the proceedings, their backs to the judge—arms at present a living, meaningful show of defiance and contempt of that very law which the governor and military seemed so anxious to protect.

For several days this disgusting spectacle was repeated, until on Thursday, Sept. 24th, the judge decided that the prisoners were held unlawfully by the military, and ordered their immediate release.

As soon as Judge Seeds announced his decision, General Chase arose from his seat and informed the judge that he would not release the prisoners excepting he were ordered to do so by "His Excellency the Governor and Commander in Chief." The soldiers then secured the prisoners, and, with their general at their head, insolently tramped out of the court room, and rode back to their camp.

Governor Peabody must have become somewhat alarmed at the turn events were taking, for he wired General Chase that same evening to liberate the men, and liberated they were. But their release on the order of the governor could not wipe out the affronts and indignities that had been heaped on Judge Seeds and the District Court of Teller County by the military ruffians.

The following is an extract from the closing remarks of Judge Seeds' decision:

"I trust that there will never again be such an unseemly and unnecessary intrusion of armed soldiers in the halls and about the entrances of American Courts of Justice. They are intrusions that can only tend to bring this court into contempt, and make doubtful the boasts of that liberty that is the keynote of American Government."

The invasion of the District Court by armed soldiers, and their behavior toward Judge Seeds moved the people of Colorado to the highest degree of indignation, and it is almost a miracle that a real rebellion did not break out in the State.

However, not only did no rebellion occur, but the leaders of the Federation kept on admonishing the miners to remain calm and peaceful in spite of every provocation; and these instructions were faithfully followed by the strikers, whose sober, cool-headed conduct merely served as a back-ground to set off in lurid glare the unscrupulous acts of the State administration and the militia.

From now on the Mine Owners' Association did not hesitate to do anything that would injure the persons, property, or cause of the strikers. The Cripple Creek district was now indeed in the iron grasp of a vicious and lawless body of men, acting together for the purpose of resisting the laws of the state, and trampling rough-shod upon the rights of American citizens.

The militia, after its previous acts, went a step further, and attempted to throttle the freedom of the press.

The Victor Daily Record, from the beginning of the strike, had espoused the cause of the strikers and defended the Western Federation. It printed the daily bulletins of the Miners' Union, and in other ways rendered valuable assistance to the miners. It goes without saying that the Record was opposed to the presence of the military and exercised its legal rights to criticize the actions of the militia, General Bell and Governor Peabody.

The Mine Owners' Association decided to suppress the paper, and thus, as it were, cut off the miners' communications. General Bell, when instructed by the mine owners to close down the Record, was nothing loth. The paper had printed statements derogatory to the military and their commanders, which was against the Rules or Articles of War. It had laid itself open to well-merited punishment. And this punishment came swiftly.

On the night of Sept. 29th, General Bell caused a strong force of cavalry to surround the office of the Victor Record, arrested Editor George C. Kyner and all the employees of the paper and put them in the bull pen. The General then cooly gave out the statement that he would arrest any other employees the paper might hire, if they printed anything adverse to or not to the liking of the military.

We know that the reason for closing down this paper was more its friendly attitude toward labor than its antagonism to the military; yet the reader can see for himself that whichever motive prompted General Bell to take this high-handed measure, the moral is just as painful and disagreeable, and only goes to show that our great corporations are just as ready to rob the masses of their liberty, as they are to rob them of their money.

What if the Victor Daily Record did oppose, criticise and cartoon the militia and encourage the strikers to hold out? Is not free speech and free press one of the fundamental laws of the United States? Is not this right solemnly guaranteed to every person throughout the length and breadth of the land? We would not perhaps attach so much importance to this wild escapade of General Bell were it not for the fact that his action was sustained by the Governor of Colorado, and was not rebuked by the Federal Government.

The Mine Owners' Association and militia had expected that the arrest of the entire staff of the Record would cripple, if not destroy, the offending sheet, but they were grievously disappointed. The Record appeared the morning after, on time, and in pretty fair shape. The spirit and indomitable energy of a woman foiled the well-planned, successfully-executed scheme of the allies.

This woman was Mrs. Emma F. Langdon, wife of one of the linotype operators of the Record. Informed in the dead of night of the military raid, Mrs. Langdon hurried down to the office, worked hard all night at a linotype machine, and with the help of the business manager of the Record the paper was ready for distribution at the regular hour, to the amazement and chagrin of the mine owners and General Bell.

General Bell saw that unless he kept a military guard constantly at the office of the Record, for the express purpose of preventing the paper from appearing, he could not hope to suppress it. The General, it seems, shrunk from taking a step like this, and acknowledged defeat by releasing Editor Kyner and his employees after two days' imprisonment.

Labor throughout the state and country was very angry at the way the Record had been treated, and thousands of resolutions were passed, condemning General Bell and Governor Peabody.

We shall soon see whether public opinion prevailed on the Colorado administration to act fairly with all citizens, irrespective of the size of their pocket-books.

Chapter IX. The Cripple Creek Strike (Continued).