CONTENTS

Preface

PART I — THE STRIKE OF 1894

CHAPTER I — PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS
Introduction

Cripple Creek — Location, geology, settlement — General economic conditions in 1894 — Conditions in Colorado and Cripple Creek in 1894

Indirect Causes Of The Strike

Uncertain business conditions — Irregularities in employment of labor

Events Leading Up To The Strike

CHAPTER II - THE TWO CRISES
The First Crisis

Attempts at a compromise — The lockout Feb. 1st, 1894 — The strike Feb. 7th — John Calderwood — Preparation by the unions — The injunction of March 14th — Capture of the deputies — Sheriff Bowers calls for militia — Beginning of friction between state and county — Conference between the generals and union officers — Recall of the militia — Compromise at the Independence

The Second Crisis

Coming of the rough element — The coup of Wm. Rabedeau — The demands and terms of the owners — Formation of the deputy army — "General" Johnson — Preparation of the miners for resistance — First detachment of deputy army — The blowing up of the Strong mine — The miners attack the deputies — Excitement in Colorado Springs — Rapid increase of deputy army — The governor's proclamation

CHAPTER III — THE FORCING OF THE ISSUE
Attempts At Arbitration

Conservative movement in Colorado Springs — The non-partisan committee — The miners propose terms of peace — Failure of the arbitration committee plan — Exchange of prisoners — The mission of Governor Waite — Miners give governor full power to act — The conference at Colorado College — Attempt to lynch Calderwood — The final conference in Denver — Articles of agreement

Militia vs. Deputies

The deputies march on Bull Hill — Call of the state militia — The question of authority — The clash in Grassey Valley — Military finally in control — Movements of the deputies — Conference in Altman — Withdrawal of deputies

The Restoration Of Order

Turbulent conditions in Cripple Creek — Attempts upon life of sheriff — Plan for vengeance in Colorado Springs — The attack upon General Tarsney — Arrests and trials of the strikers

CHAPTER IV-DISCUSSIONS
Peculiarities Of The Strike

The union allows men to work — Exchange of prisoners — Unusual influence of state authority

Arguments Of The Various Parties

The position of the mine owners — The position of the miners — The position of the governor

The Baleful Influence Of Politics

PART II—THE STRIKE OF 1903—1904

CHAPTER I—THE INTERVENING PERIOD
General Development

Increase in population and wealth — Industrial advance — Removal of frontier conditions — Entire dependence upon mining — The working force

The Background For The Strike

Divisioning of El Paso county — Growth of unions in political power — Western Federation becomes socialistic

The Situation Immediately Preceding The Strike

Unions misuse power — Treatment of non-union men — Minority rule — The strike power delegated

CHAPTER II—THE COLORADO CITY STRIKE
The Colorado City Strike

Formation of union — Opposition of Manager MacNeill — Presentation of grievances — The strike deputies and strikers — Manager MacNeill secures call of state militia

Partial Settlement By Arbitration

The Cripple Creek mines requested to cease shipments to Colorado City — The governor visits Colorado City — Conference at Denver — Settlement with Portland and Telluride Mills — Failure of second conference with Manager MacNeill

The Temporary Strike At Cripple Creek

Ore to be shut off from Standard Mill — The strike called — Advisory board — Its sessions — Further conferences — Settlement by verbal agreement

CHAPTER III — THE CRIPPLE CREEK STRIKE
The Call Of The Strike

Dispute over Colorado City agreement — Appeal of the union — Statements submitted by both sides — Decision of advisory board — Second strike at Colorado City — Strike at Cripple Creek

The First Period Of The Strike

Events of the first three weeks — Disorderly acts on September 1st — Release of Minster — Mine owners demand troops

The Militia In The District

The governor holds conferences with mine owners — The special commission — Troops called out — Militia arrest union officers — Other arrests — General partisan activity of the troops

Civil, vs. Military Authority

Habeas corpus proceedings — Militia guard court house — Judge Seeds' decision — The militia defy the court — Prisoners released — Rapid opening of the mines — Strike breakers

CHAPTER IV-TELLER COUNTY UNDER MILITARY RULE
Attempted Train Wrecking And Vindicator Explosion

Attempts to wreck F. & C. C. R. R. trains — McKinney and Foster arrested — McKinney makes conflicting confessions — Trial of Davis, Parker, and Foster — Digest of evidence — Release of McKinney — The Vindicator explosion — Evidence in case

A State Of Insurrection And Rebellion

The governor's proclamation — The power conferred as interpreted by militia officers — Local police deposed — Censorship of Victor Record — Registering of arms — Idle men declared vagrants — More general arrests of union officers — Habeas corpus suspended in case Victor Poole — Rowdyism by certain militiamen — Mine owners' statement — Federation flag posters — Withdrawal of troops

CHAPTER V—THE FINAL CRISIS
The Slxth Day Of June

Independence station explosion — Wrath of the community — Sheriff forced to resign — Bodies taken from undertaker — Mass meeting at Victor — The Victor riot — Militia capture miners'' union hall — Wholesale arrests of union men — Riot in Cripple Creek — Meeting of Mine Owners' Association and Citizens Alliance — The federation to be broken up

The Annihilation Of The Unions

Teller County again under military rule — Plant of Victor Record wrecked — Forced resignation of large number of county and municipal officials — The military commission — Deportations — Militia close the Portland mine — Aid to families forbidden — District entirely non-union — Withdrawal of troops

The Period Immediately Following

Mob deportations — The Interstate Mercantile Company — Second wrecking of the stores — The November elections — The expense of the strike — Summary

CHAPTER VI—DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The Western Federation Of Miners. Its Side Of The Case

History of the federation — Its socialistic tendencies — Sympathetic statement of its position

The Mine Owners' Association. Its Side Of The Case

History of the organization — The card system — Sympathetic view of its position

The Citizens Alliances. Their Side Of The Case

History of the alliances — Sympathetic view of their position

The State Authorities

Statement by Governor Peabody

The Responsibility And Blame — The Western Federation Of Miners

Cause of strike — Crimes of the strike

Mine Owners' Association

Criminal guards — Mob violence

The State Authorities

Use of troops — Perversion of authority

Arraignment Of Each Side By The Other

The "Red Book" — The "Green Book."

Comparison Of The Two Strikes

The first natural, the second artificial — Frontier conditions vs. complete industrial development — Contrasts in the use of state authority — Civil and military authority — Politics — Minority rule

Significance Of The Labor History

Bibliography

The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District;
A Study in Industrial Evolution
by Benjamin McKie Rastall

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pages 144-147

The Citizens Alliances—Their Sides Of The Case

Citizens Alliances were formed at various places in Colorado during the labor disturbances of 1903. The movement started in Denver and spread to every city in which strikes of considerable importance occurred. Business men from all ranks, with some professional men, and a few workmen, constituted the membership. A state organization was later effected. The principal avowed objects of the alliances were to restrain members of labor unions from unlawful conduct while strikes were iu progress, and in general to discourage lockouts, strikes and boycotts.19

The Citizens Alliance in Cripple Creek was formed during the first shock of disrupted business conditions subsequent to the calling of the last strike. The date of its organization was August 27th, and on September 2nd it had a membership of 500.20 The Citizens Alliance and Mine Owners' Association were entirely independent organizations. They had, however, a considerable common membership and worked on an informal agreement for the same end. When rumors of a lowering of wages have arisen since the settlement of the difficulty, officers of the alliance have stated, that one of the stipulations under which they gave their support to the association was that wages should not be lowered when the strike had been won.21

To show the attitude of the organization, soon after its formation, it issued a statement of which the closing paragraphs are here quoted.

"Resolved, That the persons most active in the work of deterring and retarding the wonderful advancement and prosperity of this, of all the United States the grandest and most bountifully endowed, through motives incomprehensible, but at best evidence of an extremely lax idea of the principles enunciated in the grandest instrument of all ages, the Constitution of the United States, should be lawfully restrained, that such an act will conserve the best interests of all true American-loving citizens.

"Resolved, further, That any person who does not choose to Work under the existing conditions of wages and hours, which he himself helped to establish, and persuades or attempts to induce another to refrain from honest labor, is a parasite upon the body politic, and the community should be freed from such contaminating influences.

"Resolved, further, That in contradiction to the misconceived idea of some few that our organization is antagonistic to unions or organized labor, let it be understood that we oppose no organization of individuals who act within the law, but we permit no person to arrogate the right to interpret the law to suit himself.

"Resolved, That one of the most potent factors in the settlement of the late unpleasantness is the presence in our midst of that sturdy soldier, with unblemished character, whose indefatigable efforts are on the side of right and justice, and whose very name sends a cold chill down the spinal column of the wrong doer, and to whom we raise our hats—General Sherman Bell."

When the troops were sent to the district it passed the following resolution:

"Resolved by the Citizens Alliance of the Cripple Creek District, That we heartily approve the action of Governor Peabody in ordering the state troops to the Cripple Creek district for the purpose of maintaining peace, and we believe this is the most effectual means of stopping the crime of which we have already had several instances, and from which the majority of the citizens of this district have been in constant fear and dread, and the like of which has brought shame and disgrace on honest unionism in this county. ... "

The alliance took a threatening attitude toward those who would not join the organization. Many men joined it because they feared boycott if they refused, and many members expressed themselves as out of sympathy with the methods employed by the organization.22 December 8th Secretary Parsons in issuing a call for a special meeting closed as follows: "We herewith enclose you a list of the firms that do not belong to the Alliance. You can govern yourselves accordingly."

On June 9, 1904, during the deportation period, the membership of the association signed the following agreement:

''We, the undersigned merchants of the Cripple Creek district and employers of help, hereby agree not to employ help of any kind that is in any way connected with the Trades Assembly or the American Federation of Labor or the Western Federation of Miners.''

The next day the agreement was changed to read "American Labor Union" because it was found that all barbers', printers', and carpenters' unions were included in the Federation of Labor, and their services were at the time deemed indispensible [sic].

June 14th a general statement was issued, of which the latter part is given:

"In the future neither walking delegates, agitators, nor labor unions will be allowed to say who may or may not labor in Teller County, or who may or may not do business here.

''The sources of strife in the Cripple Creek district have been the Western Federation of Miners and the Trades Assembly, which they dominated and through which they carried out their boycotts, etc.

''There is no room in Teller County for these two organizations and their existence will no longer be tolerated. The citizens and tax-payers are bound to have peace, law, and order in Teller County, and while they have no wish to work hardship on any person simply because of his membership in a labor union, nevertheless drastic measures must and will be adopted to preserve peace. Crafts of the various classes organized will not be interfered with as to their local or international affiliation, provided the Trades Assembly be forthwith disbanded and no similar boycotting agency be organized: provided further, that such unions of the local crafts have not for their national or international affiliation the Western Federation of Miners, The American Labor Union, the State Federation of Labor, or any kindred organization.

"We declare against all agitators and walking delegates. We declare against strikes, boycotts, and walkouts."

The position of the Citizens Alliance on the various strike questions was exactly that of the Mine Owners' Association, and the arguments advanced were the same as those of the association, but assumed from a more general business standpoint.

19Special Report United States Commissioner of Labor. Chap. 2. Constitution Colorado State Citizens Alliance. Statements of officers.

20Official Announcement published Sept. 2, 1903.

21Statement by various members and officers to the author.

22Information from personal interviews. See also Special Report, United States Commissioner of Labor, p. 49.

NEXT: Statement by Governor Peabody