CONTENTS

Preface

PART I — THE STRIKE OF 1894

CHAPTER I — PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS
Introduction

Cripple Creek — Location, geology, settlement — General economic conditions in 1894 — Conditions in Colorado and Cripple Creek in 1894

Indirect Causes Of The Strike

Uncertain business conditions — Irregularities in employment of labor

Events Leading Up To The Strike

CHAPTER II - THE TWO CRISES
The First Crisis

Attempts at a compromise — The lockout Feb. 1st, 1894 — The strike Feb. 7th — John Calderwood — Preparation by the unions — The injunction of March 14th — Capture of the deputies — Sheriff Bowers calls for militia — Beginning of friction between state and county — Conference between the generals and union officers — Recall of the militia — Compromise at the Independence

The Second Crisis

Coming of the rough element — The coup of Wm. Rabedeau — The demands and terms of the owners — Formation of the deputy army — "General" Johnson — Preparation of the miners for resistance — First detachment of deputy army — The blowing up of the Strong mine — The miners attack the deputies — Excitement in Colorado Springs — Rapid increase of deputy army — The governor's proclamation

CHAPTER III — THE FORCING OF THE ISSUE
Attempts At Arbitration

Conservative movement in Colorado Springs — The non-partisan committee — The miners propose terms of peace — Failure of the arbitration committee plan — Exchange of prisoners — The mission of Governor Waite — Miners give governor full power to act — The conference at Colorado College — Attempt to lynch Calderwood — The final conference in Denver — Articles of agreement

Militia vs. Deputies

The deputies march on Bull Hill — Call of the state militia — The question of authority — The clash in Grassey Valley — Military finally in control — Movements of the deputies — Conference in Altman — Withdrawal of deputies

The Restoration Of Order

Turbulent conditions in Cripple Creek — Attempts upon life of sheriff — Plan for vengeance in Colorado Springs — The attack upon General Tarsney — Arrests and trials of the strikers

CHAPTER IV-DISCUSSIONS
Peculiarities Of The Strike

The union allows men to work — Exchange of prisoners — Unusual influence of state authority

Arguments Of The Various Parties

The position of the mine owners — The position of the miners — The position of the governor

The Baleful Influence Of Politics

PART II—THE STRIKE OF 1903—1904

CHAPTER I—THE INTERVENING PERIOD
General Development

Increase in population and wealth — Industrial advance — Removal of frontier conditions — Entire dependence upon mining — The working force

The Background For The Strike

Divisioning of El Paso county — Growth of unions in political power — Western Federation becomes socialistic

The Situation Immediately Preceding The Strike

Unions misuse power — Treatment of non-union men — Minority rule — The strike power delegated

CHAPTER II—THE COLORADO CITY STRIKE
The Colorado City Strike

Formation of union — Opposition of Manager MacNeill — Presentation of grievances — The strike deputies and strikers — Manager MacNeill secures call of state militia

Partial Settlement By Arbitration

The Cripple Creek mines requested to cease shipments to Colorado City — The governor visits Colorado City — Conference at Denver — Settlement with Portland and Telluride Mills — Failure of second conference with Manager MacNeill

The Temporary Strike At Cripple Creek

Ore to be shut off from Standard Mill — The strike called — Advisory board — Its sessions — Further conferences — Settlement by verbal agreement

CHAPTER III — THE CRIPPLE CREEK STRIKE
The Call Of The Strike

Dispute over Colorado City agreement — Appeal of the union — Statements submitted by both sides — Decision of advisory board — Second strike at Colorado City — Strike at Cripple Creek

The First Period Of The Strike

Events of the first three weeks — Disorderly acts on September 1st — Release of Minster — Mine owners demand troops

The Militia In The District

The governor holds conferences with mine owners — The special commission — Troops called out — Militia arrest union officers — Other arrests — General partisan activity of the troops

Civil, vs. Military Authority

Habeas corpus proceedings — Militia guard court house — Judge Seeds' decision — The militia defy the court — Prisoners released — Rapid opening of the mines — Strike breakers

CHAPTER IV-TELLER COUNTY UNDER MILITARY RULE
Attempted Train Wrecking And Vindicator Explosion

Attempts to wreck F. & C. C. R. R. trains — McKinney and Foster arrested — McKinney makes conflicting confessions — Trial of Davis, Parker, and Foster — Digest of evidence — Release of McKinney — The Vindicator explosion — Evidence in case

A State Of Insurrection And Rebellion

The governor's proclamation — The power conferred as interpreted by militia officers — Local police deposed — Censorship of Victor Record — Registering of arms — Idle men declared vagrants — More general arrests of union officers — Habeas corpus suspended in case Victor Poole — Rowdyism by certain militiamen — Mine owners' statement — Federation flag posters — Withdrawal of troops

CHAPTER V—THE FINAL CRISIS
The Slxth Day Of June

Independence station explosion — Wrath of the community — Sheriff forced to resign — Bodies taken from undertaker — Mass meeting at Victor — The Victor riot — Militia capture miners'' union hall — Wholesale arrests of union men — Riot in Cripple Creek — Meeting of Mine Owners' Association and Citizens Alliance — The federation to be broken up

The Annihilation Of The Unions

Teller County again under military rule — Plant of Victor Record wrecked — Forced resignation of large number of county and municipal officials — The military commission — Deportations — Militia close the Portland mine — Aid to families forbidden — District entirely non-union — Withdrawal of troops

The Period Immediately Following

Mob deportations — The Interstate Mercantile Company — Second wrecking of the stores — The November elections — The expense of the strike — Summary

CHAPTER VI—DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The Western Federation Of Miners. Its Side Of The Case

History of the federation — Its socialistic tendencies — Sympathetic statement of its position

The Mine Owners' Association. Its Side Of The Case

History of the organization — The card system — Sympathetic view of its position

The Citizens Alliances. Their Side Of The Case

History of the alliances — Sympathetic view of their position

The State Authorities

Statement by Governor Peabody

The Responsibility And Blame — The Western Federation Of Miners

Cause of strike — Crimes of the strike

Mine Owners' Association

Criminal guards — Mob violence

The State Authorities

Use of troops — Perversion of authority

Arraignment Of Each Side By The Other

The "Red Book" — The "Green Book."

Comparison Of The Two Strikes

The first natural, the second artificial — Frontier conditions vs. complete industrial development — Contrasts in the use of state authority — Civil and military authority — Politics — Minority rule

Significance Of The Labor History

Bibliography

The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District;
A Study in Industrial Evolution
by Benjamin McKie Rastall

book image

pages 147-149

The Position OF The State Authorities

During the strike of 1903-1 the Colorado National Guard was called upon for unusually extensive service. Troops were in the Cripple Creek District for a period of nine months. Campaigns were carried on at Colorado City, Cripple Creek, Telluride, and Trinidad, and at times the entire available state militia was in active service. Cripple Creek and Telluride were subjected to periods of military rule, and deportation occurred under military authority from Cripple Creek, Telluride, and Trinidad. The state officers thus laid themselves open to charges of collusion with the corporate and large business interests of the state, and were severely criticised for their action. The facts underlying the situation at Cripple Creek were the political isolation of Teller County, the strength of the mine workers there, and the control of the county and state by the extreme wings of the two great opposed parties of the state.

In his official statement explaining his various acts during the Cripple Creek disturbances Governor Peabody declared that he had acted fairly and disinterestedly for the preservation of law and order.23 He insisted that the Western Federation of Miners Was a violent organization, with dangerous political theories, and a long record of crime, whose only claim to respectability was its title as a labor organization.

"I have had to deal with an organization which has no counterpart in this country. Its official proclamations, full of defiance and challenge, issued from time to time, have amounted, as has been said, to 'a declaration of war against the state.' I have met the challenge with a policy none too vigorous for the outlawry I was called to oppose. But through it all I have had but one object, and that to show the people of Colorado that the laws will be upheld, that a criminal organization cannot dictate the policy of this administration, and that everywhere within the borders of Colorado property shall be secure and labor free."

The troops were called to Colorado City upon the demand of the sheriff, accompanying a petition from leading citizens, which the executive was bound to respect. Action at Cripple Creek was based upon the criminal record of the Federation.

"This record convinced me that the overt acts which had been committed in Cripple Creek were but forerunners of others, and that with the executive officers of Teller County in direct collusion with this organization, it would be but a few days until a reign of terror, involving loss of life and property, would be established in that district. The federation is led and absolutely controlled by unscrupulous men. Only two of the executive committee are residents of the state, and none of the committee has anything in common with the state's interests."

Stress is laid upon the high duty devolving upon the executive to afford protection to men who desire to labor. In affording this protection it became necessary "to confine certain men in military guard houses, as one of the safest and most expeditious methods of restoring order." The legality of the action was attested by the State Supreme Court. There were the occasional indiscretions among officers and men inevitable in so large a body unaccustomed to military service, but in general the conduct of the troops was praiseworthy, and the only reason that they were found actively opposed to the acts and purposes of the Federation was "because that organization was attempting to prevent by violence the operation of the mines and mills."

With the strike apparently over and peace restored, came the dynamiting of the Independence station, and the determination of the citizens that the community must be rid of the authors and investigators of such crimes.

When the excitement had subsided somewhat and the county was still under quasi military rule, it was found that there were several hundred members of the Western Federation in the district who would not work, and had resolved that others should not, if, by such methods as those employed at the Independence station, they could be driven or frightened away.

"It became apparent that, even with every member of the National Guard in that county, it would be impossible to prevent the use of dynamite in the stealthy manner always employed by the Federation. The mountains and gulches of that rugged country afford a multitude of safe places for reconnoitre and hiding. The troops, which had already been there the greater part of the year, could not be maintained indefinitely without incurring immense additional expense. The only safe and available remedy seemed to be to disperse the radical members. If all of them had not personally participated in the outrages they had at least stood approvingly by and given their support, encouragement, and protection.

"If these men were scattered, the avenues which ten years of organization and association had opened for crime in that district would be closed. It would require much time in any other community before they could gather about them a new band of conspirators with the inclination and daring to inaugurate in a new field another condition of terrorism. These men as I have said, had determined never to yield the strike. The mine owners had resolved not to employ again the members of that organization. Therefore the only employment which remained for them was that of stirring up strife, committing depredations, and intimidating by inhuman crimes the working miners.

''I resolved that they should be dispersed and I dispersed them. This was done, however, only after careful investigation of each individual case."24

23Digest from signed statement Issued by the governor, July 30, 1904, addressed, To the people of Colorado.

24p. 147, f. n. 23.

NEXT: Cause of strike — Crimes of the strike